NATO fires over Lithuania as courts block Trump and EPA loosens carbon limits

Italian Eurofighters under NATO command shot down an unmanned aircraft over central Lithuania after it crossed from Belarus and flew for about 30 minutes toward the Vilnius-Kaunas corridor. Lithuania issued phone alerts, activated its Shield disaster plan and sent recovery teams to debris fields near Kaišiadorys, where officials said the craft may have carried explosives. Denmark, meanwhile, summoned Russia’s ambassador after a Russian frigate fired two flares near a Danish military helicopter photographing the vessel in international waters off Gedser.

Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen cast the Danish encounter as a test of allied nerve, while Moscow blamed the helicopter crew for dangerous manoeuvres and demanded that Copenhagen prevent repeats. That matters because both governments described the same minutes at sea as routine surveillance, provocation, or intimidation, a familiar Baltic grammar with less margin for error than usual.

Russian actions are meant to intimidate and divide. They will not succeed. We will not waver.

Poland added another piece to the pattern after military specialists secured a Russian Gerbera-type drone that drifted onto a Baltic beach, then scrambled fighters overnight as Russian strikes hit western Ukraine near the Polish border. Donald Tusk warned that the coming weeks could bring more Russian actions affecting Polish territory, and Polish aircraft stood down only after no airspace breach was detected. A drone war that keeps spilling across borders now measures alliance credibility in minutes, not communiques.

The U.S. Supreme Court rejected the Justice Department’s emergency bid to impose new mail-ballot restrictions before November’s midterms, leaving a Boston federal judge’s injunction in force. The one-paragraph order said the government was unlikely to win on the merits, while Justice Brett Kavanaugh added that state and local officials lacked enough time to build the system before voting ended. Justices Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas dissented publicly.

The blocked rules would have required states to upload voter recipient lists, verify them against federal immigration and social-security records, and use approved envelopes carrying special tracking barcodes. Postal workers could have refused non-compliant ballots, shifting a routine delivery service into a gatekeeper role just as early voting had begun in several states. Opponents argued that the Postal Service lacked constitutional authority and practical capacity to police ballot eligibility.

Washington Secretary of State Steve Hobbs said election offices could now continue their preparations without rewriting procedures at the last moment. The administration said the rules would prevent fraud, though the record cited in the litigation pointed to vanishingly rare mail-ballot fraud, with a 2025 Brookings report recording four cases per ten million ballots.

The Washington elections team is already hard at work to ensure a safe, secure, and accurate election. Now that work continues without having to alter our processes to meet unrealistic requirements.

The order will shape whether midterm voting runs through state calendars or presidential deadlines, and this time the Court chose the calendar.

The Environmental Protection Agency repealed federal carbon limits for coal- and gas-fired power plants at a G20 energy gathering in Houston, dismantling Biden-era standards that required existing coal plants and new gas facilities to cut emissions or shut by 2039. The old rule aimed to prevent 1 billion metric tons of greenhouse-gas emissions by 2047, while electricity generation produces nearly a quarter of U.S. greenhouse pollution. EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin framed the rollback as cheaper power for households, factories and data centres.

The days of Biden and Obama working to destroy natural gas and coal are over.

The agency also proposed to revoke its authority to regulate greenhouse gases from power plants under Section 111 of the Clean Air Act. That step follows the administration’s earlier move against the 2009 Endangerment Finding and seeks to stop future presidents from restoring power-sector carbon caps through executive action. EPA projected consumer savings of more than $310 billion from repealing the 2024 rule and another $370 billion from stripping regulatory authority, while its own statement said coal burning for electricity could expand more than tenfold.

Environmental groups promised immediate lawsuits and argued that the repeal ignores both climate science and local air-pollution damage. Carrie Jenks of Harvard Law School’s Environmental and Energy Law Program said the administration was trying to secure a definitive court ruling against future regulation.

They are swinging for the fences to try to prevent any administration from regulating one of the largest sources of emission for the United States.

The repeal turns a power-plant rule into a constitutional bet on how much climate policy an American president may still make without Congress.

Bernie Sanders and Steve Bannon shared a Washington stage to demand federal limits on artificial intelligence, a pairing that would look stranger if the target were not Silicon Valley power. Their coalition included labour and evangelical leaders, and Sanders backed legislation halting the development of models capable of undermining the government until a dedicated regulator exists. Bannon attacked Senate efforts to preempt state AI rules, blaming large technology firms for dodging oversight.

The American people are not going to be supplicants to these tech oligarchs.

The political push landed beside louder industry warnings. Anthropic’s Dario Amodei urged a coordinated slowdown and warned that autonomous agents could seize control of internet infrastructure within 6 to 12 months, while Sam Altman and Elon Musk supported the call for pacing. Donald Trump dismissed extinction fears and data-centre opposition as a hoax during a speakerphone exchange with Nvidia’s Jensen Huang, saying current guardrails suffice.

The Gates Foundation took a different route, pledging at least $1 billion over two years to widen AI access in low-income regions through health, education, agriculture and digital foundations. Bill Gates paired the pledge with a warning that governments lack depth on the risks and that private industry cannot govern itself.

The split is now less about whether AI changes society than about who gets to slow, steer or profit from that change.

Germany and Poland moved toward direct fuel intervention as Middle East disruptions pushed oil and pump prices higher. Friedrich Merz promised a German proposal “very soon” after Super E10 averaged €2.273 per litre and diesel reached €2.404, just below its April peak. In Warsaw, Donald Tusk’s cabinet approved a 60% windfall tax on surplus fuel-company revenue, hoping to raise about 4 billion PLN to fund subsidies under the Lower Fuel Prices programme.

I am of the opinion that we have to act.

The politics differ, but the pressure rhymes. German Social Democrats want a price cap and windfall levy, while Christian Democrats prefer targeted payments that Germany’s tax office may struggle to deliver because it holds bank details for only 19% of taxpayers. Poland’s bill faces a president who already challenged a similar measure over retroactive taxation, even as retail petrol nears 8 PLN per litre and diesel approaches 9 PLN.

The same oil shock has reached central banks. Shipping disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz and the Red Sea removed about 5 million barrels a day from markets, pushed Brent above $107 before it eased, and helped drive the European Central Bank to lift its deposit rate to 2.50%. Borrowers felt the second-round hit as the 12-month Euribor climbed above 3.1%, adding about €80 a month to an average variable-rate mortgage.

Europe’s fuel politics has become a three-way bill split between motorists, treasuries and borrowers, with no one volunteering to pay last.

Lady Justice Kathryn Thirlwall released a three-volume report of more than 1,100 pages into how the Countess of Chester Hospital failed to stop Lucy Letby, the neonatal nurse convicted of murdering seven babies and attempting to murder seven others. The inquiry heard from more than 130 witnesses and reviewed 400 statements, then concluded that leaders could have prevented several deaths and collapses had they used ordinary safeguarding procedures.

Errors were made by nurses, doctors and managers. There was also complete failure at all levels to invoke safeguarding procedures at any point.

The chronology is brutal because it is so administrative. The hospital overlooked three newborn deaths in two weeks in June 2015, treated a later serious incident review as a formality, and failed to connect an abnormal insulin test to earlier collapses. Thirlwall found that removing Letby from the ward after baby I died in October 2015 would have prevented the later deaths of babies O and P.

The report issued 14 recommendations for NHS trusts, including remote monitoring for neonatal cots, CCTV on medicine fridges until digital access controls arrive, stronger safeguarding duties for boards, and an individual duty of candour for senior managers. Letby is serving 15 whole-life sentences and still maintains her innocence, while the hospital apologised and said it now operates under new leadership.

The inquiry’s force lies in its plain finding that evil did not need a sophisticated cover-up when deference, hierarchy and paperwork already opened the doors.